Eritreans’ Thoughts on Womanhood

Our team designed three focus groups with Eritrean women from varying tribes, religions, and economic backgrounds to understand their struggles, strengths, and views on development.

This research explores the various dynamics encompassing Eritrean female migrants to further understand the types of support needed from development practitioners to propel female migrant empowerment. Through three focus groups consisting of Eritrean migrant women aged 40+, the following analysis is divided into the following five sections: communal issues, migrant priorities, relationship dynamics, mental health, and labor practices. 

Communal Issues 

This section aims to explore women’s awareness and navigation of communal issues by analyzing their understanding of problems Eritrean women, men, and the diaspora experience. The section first discusses the findings for Eritrean women, followed by an analysis of Eritrean men, and concludes with the Eritrean diaspora. 

Eritrean Women

The issue of dependency emerged numerous times during the focus groups, in which the data reveals that Eritrean women operate in a constant state of dependence on male community members. As discussed in literature, migrant women are underrepresented in immigration processes (Migration Policy Institute, 2012), rarely enter positions of power (Baheta, 2022:45), and have limited participation in decision-making (Baheta, 2022:44). Specific to Eritrean culture, the divisions of labor and power between men and women are strictly defined and rarely challenged, consequently creating tensions when Eritrean principles merge with Western culture. These findings are reiterated by focus group two who states, “In situations where their husbands pass, the women do not know how to handle bills, who to contact for insurance, stuff like that.” For single women, the expectation to rely on male family and friends exacerbates their limited mobility and dependence. For example, as discussed by focus group two, upon entering the United States a female friend was refused driving lessons and privileges from her male cousin as "he did not want her to drive.” In retaliation, the participant taught her friend how to drive, consequently triggering violent responses and household conflict (focus group two). This lack of socio-economic mobility intensifies the cycle of oppression and dependence, and for Eritrean women who “were taught to be dependent” breaking from this mentality is crucial for liberation (focus group two).  

The second issue experienced by Eritrean women is the accumulation of problems caused by the language barrier and cultural disconnect. As explained by focus group two, most Eritrean women opt-out of pursuing an education or taking English language courses, focusing primarily on working in the cleaning or service industries to send remittances. This trend is explained by cultural differences in which Eritrean women are expected to care for their family in Eritrea while Eritrean men are expected to support the nuclear family (focus group one). Although Eritrean migrant women are not accessing educational opportunities, the research reveals a desire to learn. In each focus group, a recurring theme emerged: education and English language programs are understood to be the solution needed to improve socio-economic mobility. The women in the first focus group highlight this finding by discussing their frustration with technological advancements, stating they feel left behind as everything is moving online and they lack the knowledge to adapt. In addition, women felt the language barrier and cultural differences exacerbated communication issues with their kids, causing increased stress, family tensions, and violence (focus group one). And although Eritrean women acknowledge the difficulties caused by a language barrier and the benefits accompanying learning English, the limited participation in educational opportunities presents the following question: why are (Eritrean) migrant women not accessing educational opportunities?

Eritrean Men

Regarding Eritrean men the data reveals that they experience similar difficulties to Eritrean women; however, their outlook and circumstances differ. For example, similar to Eritrean women who deal with a language barrier, Eritrean men struggle with learning English and believe women learn the language quicker (focus group two). Whether explained by the different interactions Eritrean men and women experience or women’s increased participation in the community (focus group one), the disconnect can build resentment, dependence, or even foster violence (focus group one). In addition, Eritrean men struggle to connect with American culture, holding onto Eritrean practices in hopes of maintaining their identity as Eritrean migrants (focus group one). This fear of losing their connection to their country of origin is compounded with unhealthy habits (gambling, drinking, etc.) to avoid connecting with American culture (focus group two). This trend is reiterated by focus group three who believe Eritrean men struggle to develop friendships and stay in the “same bubble.”

Eritrean Diaspora 

When discussing issues the Eritrean diaspora experience, women believe children, youth, and young adults struggle to navigate the cultural and linguistic disconnect accompanying their Eritrean-American identity. Feelings of miscommunication exist as migrant parents believe their children do not understand their migration stories and interpret their parents' advice, caution, and expectations as "too harsh and unreasonable" (focus group two). These disconnects are assumed to exacerbate the diaspora's mental health issues as women in each focus group mentioned increasing concerns. 

To further complicate the situation, Eritrean women stated feelings of inadequacy as they failed to relate to their childrens' experiences and struggled to offer support (focus group one and two). In addition to this miscommunication, either both parents work strenuous hours, forcing kids to rely on TV/ social media for guidance (focus group two), or one parent is exploited and expected to manage the caretaking (focus group one and three). 

Eritrean Priorities 

The following section aims to understand what Eritrean women deem important and where they need support. To guide the discussion, we offered a culturally specific guided scenario:

Arsema is coming to America with her husband and two children under ten. She asks for your advice, what must she prioritize upon arriving?

The majority of women discussed the difficulties of womanhood, specifically the expectations to manage a 'double shift", expressing wishful sentiments of focusing solely on their children (focus groups one, two, and three). In focus group two, the women advised new moms to stay home and spend time with their children, warning women to “avoid greed” as “money will come and their husbands will provide.” These sentiments contradict focus groups one and three; however, which advise Arsema to work and raise her children as staying home can foster depression or dependence. Their response to the possible exploitation accompanying the 'double-shift' was, "We suffer, but that is how we grew up" (focus group one), illustrating the difficult decision migrant women are expected to make. 

Despite the differences in advice, the women in each focus group advised Arsema to be present and active in her children's lives. Urging women in similar situations to attend their children's activities, befriend other parents (focus group two), and spend time with their children when they are young as working is always possible once the children are independent (focus group three). Focus group two added to these sentiments by warning Arsema to avoid comparing her children with others or even forcing them into a specific career or industry, displaying signs of personal regret. 

Lastly, the women in each focus group advised Arsema to pursue an education either by discussing the significance of their decision to return to school or by sharing their wishes to return to school. More specifically, focus group two advised Arsema to enroll in English as a second language courses, saying, "Learn with your children"; focus group three advised Arsema to suffer for a couple of years; and focus group one shared their regrets stating, "I wish I went to school", concluding their remarks by sharing feelings of embarrassment when attempting to learn technology or English.

Relationship Dynamics

The third section examines the relationship between Eritrean women and their partners and Eritrean women and their children.  

For Eritrean women, the relationship with their partner proves pivotal in their personal development and assimilation to Western culture as community and strong relationships is understood to be the foundation of success. To avoid marital issues, the women in focus groups one and two advise honesty, avoiding having children out of wedlock, and good communication. When asked to elaborate on the components of good communication, focus group one shared their personal issues, commenting that Eritrean men struggled with good communication due to their egos. More specifically, the women illustrated their experiences with this issue by stating that Eritrean women repeatedly ask their partners to complete a task to which their partners will respond by ignoring them as a woman asking for help is, culturally, recognized as disrespectful (focus group one). 

Regarding the relationship between Eritrean women and children, the data reveals two main concerns: firstly, the language barrier causes communication issues, and secondly, cultural disconnect amplifies household tensions. As previously discussed, the language barrier between Eritrean migrants and the diaspora prevents successful communication, resulting in tensions, parental worry, and even violence. These views primarily exist for young Eritrean men as Eritrean women believe limited fatherly connection causes increased violence, drug use, and misbehavior (focus group two). Additionally, Eritrean migrants mentioned living drastically different lives than their children, stating the difficulty of connecting and supporting their children (focus groups one and three). For Eritrean women, the diaspora has a limited sense of responsibility, stating, “We fought for our lives in this country, they [Eritrean diaspora] do not understand" (focus group one). These views are illustrated by Eritrean women asking how to instill independence while guaranteeing their children's success and safety (focus group one). This trend is especially evident for Eritrean women with limited security and job protections rely on their children for social security (Baheta, 2022:47). 

Mental Health 

Section four aims to understand how Eritrean women navigate physical and mental health concerns by presenting a guided scenario. 

Sabrina has four children, one of her children (Dawit) told her he is depressed, so she comes to you and asks what to do. What do you tell her? 

When discussing plausible solutions, each focus group urged Sabrina to receive help and recognize mental health concerns as a legitimate illness, challenging previous negative cultural associations with mental health. Each group responded with "get professional help" (focus group one, two, and three); however, the participants were unable to offer additional advice as they were unaware of what professional help entailed, further stating they had never received professional mental health services (focus group three). Whether explained by taboo, limited knowledge of receiving support, or an unwillingness to acknowledge their personal mental health concerns, a disconnect between migrants and accessing mental health support exists. Additionally, the gender divide exacerbates the suffering of women, illustrated by focus group one who states, "You know, we [women] help them [men] more than they help us' ' when discussing avenues for support. This finding highlights the expected role of women as caretakers and the deprecating attitude towards women's mental health issues. 

Following, discussions of self-regulation and support reveal the effects of limited knowledge and resources as their solutions offer temporary, insufficient, or outdated means. For example, the women advised Sabrina to go shopping, spend more time with family and friends, exercise, or take medication (focus groups one, two, and three). And although these solutions offer relief, women dealing with (postpartum) depression, anxiety, and PTSD need more than community involvement. As discussed in literature, Eritrean migrants with limited access to mental health support are victims of violent systems exacerbating their oppression. 

Labor Practices 

The final section aims to understand the labor practices Eritrean women participate in and their navigation of exploitative practices by providing a guided scenario. 

Salina has worked in housekeeping for 15 years, and recently, she's experienced pain in her back, hands, and legs. She cannot quit the job because her family needs the money, what advice would you give her?

This guided scenario highlights the strenuous decisions migrant Eritrean women undergo as a group with limited socio-economic mobility. For focus groups two and three, Salina is advised to "get a new job" as "the money is not worth it" (focus group one). Focus group three offers further support by advising Salina to "get an education because there is no reason to work in housekeeping for 15 years." Roles in cleaning industries are recognized as unsustainable, and the women urge others to break the language barrier and work in customer service (focus group two).

Contrary to these views, however, focus group one advises Salina to receive government support and then "push through it" as "this is America." For the women in focus group one, their response is justified as Eritrean women are culturally mandated to provide remittances and familial support. Consequently, women cannot protect or advocate for their wellbeing as their families in Eritrea rely on the monetary contribution. 

Conclusion

The research analyzed the responses of Eritrean women with the intent to understand the dynamics and circumstances surrounding migrant women, revealing the types of support needed from development practitioners to amplify their empowerment. On the individual level the data reveals the significance of practical or technical education in establishing independence and confidence, ensuring Eritrean women feel prepared to participate in the labor force, change industries, make household decisions, and adequately support their network. Technical courses in technology, language, or specific industries, for example, build women’s independence while practical courses on mental health, finances, or motherhood, for example, establish confidence. In addition, Eritrean women highlighted the difficulties accompanying a language barrier and cultural disconnect upon establishing relationships with their children, revealing the effects of limited parental resources on the development and wellbeing of the Eritrean diaspora. Lastly, disconnects between the Eritrean and Western cultures forces Eritrean female migrants into ‘borderlands’, consequently, increasing exploitation, dependency, and violence as women are expected to adapt to contrasting cultures without preparation. To address this concern the empowerment of female migrants must occur on the systemic, community, household, and individual level.